German Politics Today: Third Edition by Geoffrey Roberts

Author:Geoffrey Roberts [Roberts, Geoffrey]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: History & Theory, National, Political Science, American Government, General
ISBN: 9781526109415
Google: hG-5DwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Manchester University Press
Published: 2016-04-30T09:29:32+00:00

Box 7.2 Presidents of the Federal Republic of Germany

1949–59

Theodor Heuss (FDP)

1959–69

Heinrich Lübke (CDU)

1969–74

Gustav Heinemann (SPD)

1974–79

Walter Scheel (FDP)

1979–84

Karl Carstens (CDU)

1984–94

Richard von Weizsäcker (CDU)

1994–99

Roman Herzog (CDU)

1999–2004

Johannes Rau (SPD)

2004–10

Horst Köhler (CDU)

2010–12

Christian Wulff (CDU)

2012–

Joachim Gauck (non-party)

The federal chancellor

In contrast to the federal president, the federal chancellor is given considerable political authority by the Basic Law. Article 65 states that the chancellor ‘determines the guidelines of policy’ within which the government operates: the so-called Richtlinienkompetenz. Ministers have to run their departments within these guidelines. Chancellors may be tempted to try to extend the scope of the Richtlinienkompetenz by playing an active role in various policy sectors, where responsibility should lie with the minister concerned. This was certainly the case with Adenauer in various policy fields. Brandt, in pursuit of his Ostpolitik, took close personal interest in matters that were the responsibility of his foreign minister and his minister for inner-German relations. Kohl also played an active role in foreign affairs (especially concerning the EU) and, prior to reunification, in policies affecting relations between the two German states. Merkel has taken a great interest in aspects of foreign policy, such as promotion of the European treaty which substituted for the rejected European constitution and devising strategies for EU and NATO countries to respond to the crisis in the Ukraine from 2014. The fact that, especially in the cases of Adenauer and Kohl, chancellors have had longer periods in office than most of their ministers gives them authority when they are persuaded to take a detailed interest in the policies of particular ministries. For example, Adenauer was his own foreign minister from 1951 to 1955, then handed over to Heinrich von Brentano and, from 1961, Gerhard Schröder, but Adenauer of course retained considerable personal authority in foreign policy. Brandt as chancellor played a leading role in the development and execution of Ostpolitik. The chancellor also has the responsibility of selecting his or her own cabinet (the nominated ministers are then formally appointed by the federal president). This allows also for the dismissal or transfer of ministers.

The chancellor is elected by the Bundestag, then appointed by the federal president. The president nominates a candidate to the Bundestag, and MdBs vote in favour of or against that candidate, in a secret ballot. Merkel obtained only 397 votes in 2005, which means that at least 51 of the CDU-CSU or SPD MdBs (i.e. from the parties of her ‘grand coalition’) did not vote for her. In 2013 she was re-elected as chancellor with 462 votes in favour, which meant that at least 42 of the 504 MdBs of the grand coalition parties did not vote for her. Though formally elected by the Bundestag after nomination by the federal president, the chancellor is, in effect, elected by the people. Bundestag elections have always been contests between two identifiable potential chancellors, representing the two main parties: CDU-CSU and SPD. Since the 1953 election one chancellor-candidate at every election has always been the incumbent. Given that the parties’ preferred coalition partnerships are normally

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